Moscow and the Nazi International

Alexander Dugin, the Russian geopolitical theorist and advisor to President Putin, has said that the twentieth century was “the century of ideology.” It was, as Nietzsche predicted, a century in which ideas (and ideologies) warred against one another. The three warring factions were, in order of their appearance: liberalism (of the Left and Right), communism (as well as social democracy), and fascism (including Hitler’s National Socialism). These three ideologies fought each other “to the death, creating, in essence, the entire dramatic and bloody political history of the twentieth century.” According to Dugin, liberalism came out the winner by the end of the last century. Yet victories of this kind are rarely permanent. In fact, Dugin tells us that liberalism has already disintegrated into “postmodernity.” With its focus on the individual, Dugin argues that liberalism has led to globalization, and globalization means that man is “freed from his ‘membership’ in a community and from any collective identity….” This happened because a mass of human beings, “comprised entirely of individuals, is naturally drawn toward universality and seeks to become global and unified.” Even now this impetus toward globalization coincides with the glorification of total freedom “and the independence of the individual from any kind of limits, including reason, morality, identity … discipline, and so on.” The result, says Dugin, is Francis Fukuyama’s “End of History.” But let us not be fooled, Dugin explains. History doesn’t really end. What has really happened, in fact, is the realization that liberalism’s triumph has been a disaster for humanity. It is a disaster for the individual because the individual has lost his moorings. It is a disaster for freedom, because we are now under the “tyranny of the majority.” It is a disaster for our economy, because spoliation is the emerging market principle. And those who wish to preserve their racial, national, or religious identities are set down as enemies by a political correctness as deluded as it is bloodless.

Here Dugin seems to be echoing James Burnham, who once explained that liberalism was “the ideology of Western suicide.” Liberalism destroys, as Joseph Schumpeter argued, its own “illiberal supports.” Dugin’s book, The Fourth Political Theory, on which Russia’s strategy now depends, is actually an updated version of an old strategic formula which once took shape under the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. It is an attempt to revive and merge the defeated ideologies of communism and fascism for a final battle. By uniting all the communists and the fascists (and Islamo-fascists) at the moment of liberalism’s strongest suicidal impulse, Dugin and his Russian bosses hope to build an unprecedented global coalition. It is worth noting that Dugin cannot have invented this “new” totalitarian approach, because its elements were present in Soviet strategic thinking and planning before Dugin was born. Stalin was using the Fourth Political Theory in August 1939 when he sent the British and French delegations packing in order to sign a pact with Hitler.

It is reported that Stalin often said, in perfect seriousness, “I could have conquered the world with Hitler.” Why did he say this? Because the Nazis knew how to mobilize public support for their cause and the communists did not. Nazi Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels once warned that raw force was insufficient. He said, “It is better to make the people love you.” This inversion of Machiavelli’s dictum, that it is better to be feared than loved, was the Nazi strong suit. Nazism wasn’t merely about hate. It was also about love – love of the Führer, love of the Fatherland, etc. It is what made Hitler so dangerous. He could get people to love things, and die for things, and also to kill. In 1940, as Stalin plotted to stab Hitler in the back, he made the mistake of underestimating the Nazis. The subsequent Soviet military disasters, which occurred through the summer and fall of 1941, were unprecedented in the history of warfare.

Stalin’s successors have had years to recognize the weaknesses of their own system and the advantages of Hitler’s system. Therefore, we should not think it strange that the communist bloc began experimenting with aspects of National Socialism long ago. By preserving certain traditions, and by appealing the nationalism, people can be motivated to fight – and this is what Alexander Dugin is attempting to exploit with his Fourth Political Theory. The rebirth of Nazism (in altered form) and a flowering of anti-Semitism have been anticipated by Moscow for a long time, and Dugin has given this rebirth a wink. After all, the political pendulum swings back and forth between extremes. It is well understood that men recycle their ideas even as they recycle their fashions. For three generations we have heard about the Holocaust and the wickedness of Hitler. In response to this, Russia’s analysts suspect to see the triumph of Holocaust denial and the deification of Hitler through a contrarian shift in mass opinion.

Alexander Dugin and his Kremlin bosses are watching Europe. They know that liberalism is going to be blamed. And so it is important that they demonstrate openness to the Front National in France, and the Golden Dawn in Greece. And why shouldn’t they? These organizations were targeted for infiltration and manipulation by Russian agents a long time ago. Here is where it helps to know the real history of the fascists and Nazis in Europe. These are not true anti-communists, but have been potential satellites of communism for decades. There is, indeed, in the history of the Second World War, a mass of unexamined questions and misunderstood moves connected with this. Even the simplest facts about this war have been misunderstood. And Moscow would like to keep it that way, preserving at all costs our false assumptions.

Let us take one simple event from the war, and show how indifferent our best historians have been. Countless books have been written about Hitler’s death, but none have asked the right questions. It is well-known that the Soviet Union withheld all hard evidence of Hitler’s death from the rest of the world. What historian has had the sense to ask why? In fact, Stalin himself encouraged the rumor that Hitler escaped from Berlin in April 1945. More recently the Russians presented a woman’s skull as belonging to Hitler, with the bullet hole in the wrong place. Why did they do this? It is very simple. From a strategic standpoint, the myth of Hitler’s survival was strategically useful to the Kremlin and, as we shall see, this had to do with the fact that Moscow had acquired control of the Nazi International before the end of the war. Pete Bagley, a former CIA official with access to a KGB generals papers, wrote: “The ugly fact is that … the KGB secretly infiltrated [the] Nazi exodus from Germany [in 1945], took control of one or more Nazi exile organizations, and manipulated them in a classic ‘false flag’ operation as unwitting tools in its Cold War against the West.” (Spymaster, p. 145) Bagley tells us of a clandestine meeting near Vienna between KGB officers and former Gestapo Chief Heinrich Mueller in 1955. According to Bagley’s information, Mueller had been picked up by the Soviets at the end of the war, “but instead of punishing him as the worst of war criminals,” wrote Bagley, “[they] took him for clandestine work and moved him to South America.”

Those who are interested in recent South American developments should take special interest in this. Today’s inexplicable alliance between communists and Nazi in South America is best understood as a complex game tracing back to the penetration of the Third Reich by Soviet agents during the war. To understand the depth of these penetrations it is useful to examine the testimony of the leading Nazi spymaster, Walter Schellenberg, head of Nazi foreign intelligence (Ausland-SD) from 1941 to 1945. According to Schellenberg, after the defeat of Sixth Army at Stalingrad, there came into existence within the Nazi hierarchy, a powerful “eastern camp.” These were Nazis who knew the war was lost, and who decided to begin secretly working for the Soviet Union as a way to assure their future survival. One of the most prominent of these turncoats, from Schellenberg’s vantage point, was Hitler’s right hand man and Party boss, the indispensable Martin Bormann. Another was Gestapo Chief Heinrich Mueller, who may have worked for Moscow as early as 1937.

Full article: Moscow and the Nazi International (JR Nyquist)

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